As far as I know, not one black woman has endorsed her nomination.
Kagan’s black male supporters, including Harvard Law Prof. Charles Ogletree Jr., point to the faculty chair she assumed during her tenure as dean of Harvard Law School as evidence of her commitment to racial equality.
For many African Americans, that’s pretty thin gruel on which to endorse a lifetime appointment to one of these chairs.
In a 1997 memorandum to President Clinton, you supported reducing the sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine to 10:1. Do you support eliminating the sentencing disparity?
In a case pending before the Supreme Court in 1997, Piscataway Bd. Of Education v. Taxman, in which a school district used its affirmative action policy to lay off a white teacher instead of a black teacher with the same seniority, the then Solicitor General wrote a memo that suggested filing a brief arguing that the teacher should not have been laid off in this particular case, and that if the court adopted this position, it would not have to address whether Title VII “always precludes non-remedial affirmative action.” You wrote on that memo, “I think this is exactly the right position – as a legal matter, as a policy matter, and as a political matter.” Are race-based remedies ever permissible? If left to you alone, would you have applied the “mend it, don’t end it” affirmative action policy to race-neutral remedies only?
Please explain why you apparently opposed the formation of a commission on race by President Clinton during his second term.
During your tenure as Dean of Harvard Law School, the law school faculty grew by almost 50%, with the hiring of 43 full-time faculty, including 32 tenured or tenure track. Of those 32, please explain why only one minority, an Asian American, and only seven women were hired, and, of the 11 non-tenure track faculty, why only three minorities – two black and one Indian – and only two women were hired.
While Dean, you apparently offered faculty positions to several minority candidates who turned down the offers. How many were African American?
Today is the last day of school for New York City schoolchildren.
Back in the day, the Board of Education was headquartered at 110 Livingston Street.
Students celebrated the end of the school year with this little ditty:
No more pencils. No more books. No more teachers’ dirty looks.
With states and cities threatening layoffs, teachers may be giving their principals dirty looks.
The teachers unions are lobbying for a $23 billion jobs bill that would save up to 300,000 education jobs nationwide. With growing concerns about deficit spending, the bill is not likely to pass.
But a teacher bailout with no strings attached would represent a missed opportunity to reform teacher seniority rules. The “last hired, first fired” rule consigns too many children to classrooms with ineffective teachers.
I am a product of the NYC public schools, but seniority rules are not unique to the Big Apple. Indeed, Colorado Gov. Bill Ritter recently signed into law Senate Bill 191, which ties teacher tenure to students’ performance.
For more than 50 years, a lot of smart folks have thought about education reform. Fifty years later, there are nearly 2,000 “dropout factories” – 12 percent of the nation’s high schools – where fewer than 60 percent of students who start as freshman make it to their senior year.
According to the Alliance for Excellent Education, 28 percent of the nation’s students of color are enrolled in one of these dropout factories. These lowest-performing schools account for 58 percent of black high school dropouts.
It’s time to go back to the future when educators like Mrs. Williams, who taught at P.S. 3 in Bedford-Stuyvesant, inspired students to succeed.
And principals knew what worked -- qualified teachers, high expectations, safe schools and parental involvement.
Dr. Berry stressed the “need to look at the fabric of what’s going on in the community…It depends on what’s happening in the schools and what is happening in the surrounding community.”
She noted that studies show academic achievement doesn’t improve with charter schools or vouchers. Instead, they’re “a political solution not a reform initiative. They’re not performing any better than the schools they were intended to reform.”
Rev. Sharpton agreed that “the whole community does matter. Parents have to be engaged, empowered and not dismissed.”
Irvin reminded us that “the future may be closer than you think it is.”
For all of these reasons, we call for the convening of a national charrette on the problems of black schoolchildren that will bring a broad cross-section of stakeholders together to design a comprehensive rescue plan.
A national convening is not about more talk. Rather, it is about mobilizing stakeholders to focus like a laser on the crisis of black public schoolchildren.
The future has arrived. The Class of 2020 will enter second grade in the fall. It’s time to get back to what works.
Gen. Stanley McChrystal’s dissing of President Barack Obama and his national security team has led to his dismissal by the Commander-in-Chief:
Today I accepted General Stanley McChrystal’s resignation as commander of the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan. I did so with considerable regret, but also with certainty that it is the right thing for our mission in Afghanistan, for our military, and for our country.
But war is bigger than any one man or woman, whether a private, a general, or a president. And as difficult as it is to lose General McChrystal, I believe that it is the right decision for our national security.
The conduct represented in the recently published article does not meet
the standard that should be set by a commanding general. It undermines
the civilian control of the military that is at the core of our
democratic system. And it erodes the trust that’s necessary for our
team to work together to achieve our objectives in Afghanistan.
It is also true that our democracy depends upon institutions that are stronger than individuals. That includes strict adherence to the military chain of command, and respect for civilian control over that chain of command. And that’s why, as Commander-in-Chief, I believe this decision is necessary to hold ourselves accountable to standards that are at the core of our democracy.
Although the foreclosure crisis hit communities across the country—and homeowners of every race and ethnicity— research indicates that African-American, Latino and other minority homeowners suffered disproportionately, as have communities of color. With a revitalized civil rights focus at the federal level, the time is ripe to examine the role that lending discrimination and civil rights violations have played in this crisis and to consider how a civil rights perspective can help address immediate, critical needs in these communities and the longer-term solutions needed to rebuild struggling communities.
The panelists include:
Xavier Briggs, Associate Director for General Government Programs, Office of Management and Budget, The White House
John Payton, President and Director-Counsel, NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc.
Jim Rokakis, County Treasurer, Cuyahoga County, Ohio
The “Inc. Fund,” as it is called, is not affiliated with the NAACP.
First, not only were borrowers of color more likely to receive subprime loans than white borrowers, but within the subprime market, borrowers of color were more likely to receive the most expensive loans and were more likely to receive subprime terms associated with increased default risk, such as prepayment penalties. Previous research has shown that African-American and Latino borrowers were about 30% more likely to receive the highest-cost subprime loans relative to white subprime borrowers with similar risk profiles and that subprime loans in communities of color were more likely to carry prepayment penalties than subprime loans in majority communities.
CRL estimates that 11 percent of African American homeowners have already lost or are at risk of losing their home.
The findings in this report describe the devastating impact that the casino culture of Wall Street and the mortgage industry is having on communities of color. Instead of owning a piece of the American dream, these hardworking families have borne the brunt of an anything-goes regulatory system that has turned a blind eye toward predatory lending and the needs of vulnerable consumers, who may never recover the wealth they have lost.
The NAACP claims Wells Fargo’s signature on its banking principles commits the subprime lender to monitor its policies and practices “to determine overall, and within the subprime community of loans issued by the institution, that its neutral practices do not have an unlawful adverse impact based on grounds of race, sex, color, or ethnicity.”
The NAACP says its partnership with the subprime lender is about the future. But Wells Fargo has one of the worst loan modification rates under the Treasury Department’s foreclosure-prevention program.
With “millions of foreclosures still ahead,” the NAACP’s silence is deafening.